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Put in your job, if you are unemployed you can select that. Select the magazine and click continue. Has he anywhere referred to them in the torrent of literature that comes out of his pen?
What makes his anger productive is that it never shades into vengeance: it is always a form of pointed social critique. But his own lack of vengeance has become an excuse to de-radicalise him. There are two issues here. But there is amongst Dalits, rightly, a sense that the lack of vengeance in Ambedkar has become an excuse for our lack of genuine anger at the structural oppression in which society traps Dalits.
He, rightly, in his engagement with Gandhi, was offended by the idea that Dalit liberation would be anything less than their empowerment. By the strange alchemy of appropriation he has been made into a safe rather than disconcerting figure.
He is an object of consensus when it comes to invoking a figure to be revered. In truth, he is at the heart of the most fundamental conflicts over the soul of India. Ambedkar disconcerts at so many levels. Of all the leaders of his generation, his clarity is the most bracing. He is unsurpassed in astute marshalling of facts and logic. There is, unlike Nehru, never a trace of sentimentality in any of his arguments.
This is true in his early doctoral writings. It is also a feature of his incredibly wide ranging economic analysis, his work as a legislator, both in the Bombay Legislative Assembly and the Constituent Assembly. His erudition, learning and range of references are unmatched.
If you want a feast of relentless logic and unblinkered clarity, simply turn to his Thoughts on Pakistan , which to date remains the most clear-eyed, take-no-prisoners view of the subject. It is a tract that is selectively quoted by both Hindu nationalists and proponents of Pakistan. But it was in its own way, a reduction ad absurdum of the logic of each position.
Ambedkar also disconcerts because at some level, his positions are constantly exposing the hypocrisy of our own. I do not mean this in a superficial sense that he always reminds us of the reality of injustice. I mean it in the deeper sense that he takes any ideal and shows how we do not fully follow through its conclusions.
His most telling charge against Gandhi is not just that Gandhi failed to do justice to Dalits. Gandhi in his view had certainly employed non-violence in the cause of immoral ends of blunting Dalit demands.
Gandhi also failed to do justice to the ideal of non-violence in a deeper sense. It is a measure of Gandhi that he probably would have accepted some truth in this charge.
It takes an immense and different kind of courage to not convert the deepest kind of oppression into a call for cathartic violence. In many ways it is Ambedkar who tied India into a deeper form of non-violence than Gandhi did, by committing Dalits to a repertoire of constitutionalism— a fact some Dalit radicals rue has tied their hands.
His most telling charge against Nehru was that his Discovery of India , as it were, draws a kind of veil over injustice; and he often openly accuses Nehru of Brahmanism. But more tellingly, Ambedkar is one of the few leaders of his generation who understood the deep transformative effects of wealth on society.
This was not just from the idea that while renunciation could be a meaningful gesture for upper castes, it was something of a sick joke to call on those who were dispossessed to practice it. It stemmed from a unique sociological appreciation of wealth that all those trying to modernise India ignore at their peril. He chided the aristocratic Russell for his platitudinous critique of the love of money.
In a healthy mind, it may be urged, there is no such thing as a love of money in the abstract. Love of money is always for something, and it is the purpose embodied in that something that will endow it with credit or shame…. Thus even love of money as a pursuit may result in a variety of character. So Ambedkar disconcerts. He stretches non-violence to its constitutional logic more than Gandhi; modernity to its association with variety more than Nehru; and his historical consciousness to the exploration of dark and evil spaces more than anyone else.
In doing so, he exposes the limits of our allegiances to our own convictions. The deep discomfort Ambedkar still causes, however, comes from a claim that is central to the contemporary struggle over the soul of India. The first was his claim of the centrality of violence to the constitution of Hindu society. Violence was not an aberration, a flotsam that could be cleared up to reveal the bright and placid waters of Hindu society underneath.
It was central to its identity and functioning. There is no skirting around the fact that for Ambedkar, justice required declaring a war of sorts on Hinduism. I am disgusted with Hindus and Hinduism because I am convinced that they cherish wrong ideals and lead a wrong social life. My quarrel with Hindus and Hinduism is not over the imperfections of their social conduct. It is much more fundamental. It is over their ideals. This pointed declaration makes Ambedkar so central to contemporary struggles.
The project of achieving justice was not simply a matter of reforming a tradition, making it live up to its ideals. Justice would require whole-scale destruction of a tradition. As a new Dalit consciousness gains strength on Indian campuses, this is arguably going to be the single biggest cultural fault line to emerge in contemporary India.
The emerging conflict between Ambedkar- Periyar activists on the one hand and ABVP on the other gives a whiff of this undercurrent, and why student politics is becoming even more intense on issues of identity.
It is true that what Ambedkar had in mind was Brahmanism, the most astonishing and imprisoning ideological structure ever invented. Even non-Brahmanical modes of Hindu articulation were so infected with its vice-like grip that it had to be dismantled before justice even becomes a possibility.
Justice would require wholescale destruction of a tradition. Many of his theses are acute in their sociological insight and historical penetration. He rejected the Aryan Invasion theory of subjugation.
He rejected all race-based explanations. He was particularly scornful of functional explanations of caste, since caste involved an imprisoning hierarchy of functionaries , not functions. But two large claims emerge from his analysis. The first is that, whichever way we cut it, material or functional explanations could not by themselves explain the peculiarity of caste: it was at base a diabolical series of representations, imposed by a priestly class, as an act of power.
It was self perpetuating through its denial to Untouchables of all three means of advancement: power, wealth and education. It is diabolical in creating a series of gradations in society where adjacent classes oppress each other. It revels in permanent division. The moral rage at Brahmanism comes from precisely this fact: that there is no possible functional justification for the order they created. It was an imposition of power, pure and simple.
This power operated through a particular conceptual ordering of reality, and that entire conceptual ordering had to be dismantled for liberation to be possible.
Or even worse: apologists defensively argue that Hinduism affirmed equality. This equality was a metaphysical abstraction, quite compatible with an oppressive social order. For Ambedkar, the Purusa Sukta was a late interpolation in the Vedas.
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Choke Tube for King Ferry Barrels. Choke Tube for Upper Sandusky Barrels. Grip Cap Insert, Pewter. Demon Slayer, Chapter 56 Wake up. Demon Slayer, Chapter 53 You are Demon Slayer, Chapter 52 Merciless. Demon Slayer, Chapter 47 Huff. Demon Slayer, Chapter 46 Oyakata-sama.
Demon Slayer, Chapter 43 To Hell. Demon Slayer, Chapter 42 Behind. Demon Slayer, Chapter 41 Kochou Shinobu. Demon Slayer, Chapter 40 God of Fire. Demon Slayer, Chapter 38 Genuine and Fake. Demon Slayer, Chapter 37 Broken Sword. Demon Slayer, Chapter 36 This is bad. Demon Slayer, Chapter 35 Scattered. Demon Slayer, Chapter 33 Pain, going forward while writhing.
Demon Slayer, Chapter 32 Sharp Stench. Demon Slayer, Chapter 30 Puppet Dolls. Demon Slayer, Chapter 29 Natagumo Mountain. Demon Slayer, Chapter 28 Emergency Summon. Demon Slayer, Chapter 27 Hashibira Inosuke. Demon Slayer, Chapter 25 Self Inspiration. Demon Slayer, Chapter 21 Drum House. Demon Slayer, Chapter 20 Agatsuma Zenitsu. Demon Slayer, Chapter 19 Always Together. Demon Slayer, Chapter 18 Curse-Bound.
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